John G. Wright claims that The Kronstadt Rebellion, by Alexander Berkman, 'is merely a restatement of the alleged facts and interpretations of the Right Social Revolutionists with a few insignificant alterations'--(culled from 'The Truth About Russia in Volya, Russia, Prague, 1921').

The writer further accuses Alexander Berkman of 'brazenness, plagiarism, and making, as is his custom, a few insignificant alterations, and hiding the real source of what appears as his own appraisal.' Alexander Berkman's life and work have placed him among the greatest revolutionary thinkers and fighters, utterly dedicated to his ideal. Those who knew him will testify to his sterling quality in all his actions, as well as his integrity as a serious writer. They will certainly be amused to learn from Mr. Wright that Alexander Berkman was a 'plagiarist' and 'brazen,' and that 'his custom is making a few insignificant alterations . . .'

Late one night, I sat on a small patch of grass under the stars, listening to the dried leaves rustle in the wind. A few moments had passed when I saw the headlights of a small vehicle turn the corner and head towards me. After loading my gear into the trunk, I climbed into the front seat and exchanged anxious smiles with the driver. She gave my hand a quick squeeze before steering the care (rented in an untraceable manner) back onto the road. We were on our way.

As we drove, the sun came up. Stopping only to eat and refuel the car, we continued driving all day. A few hours after the sun disappeared, we met up with another man, well known to us and trusted wholeheartedly. Together we headed to a dark clearing near a small lake, and sat and discussed our plans.

Political prisoners have been purposely 'disappeared' by the u.s. government, whose official position is that 'there are no political prisoners inside the u.s.' This is the way that the government denies both that the motivations for our actions were political and that the movements we come from are legitimate, popular movements for social change. The prison system isolates all prisoners from their communities, but especially harsh isolation is instituted against political prisoners: restricted visiting lists, frequent transfers to prisons far away from our home communities, mail censorship, 'maximum security conditions', long periods of time in solitary confinement.

By now I'm sure you've all read the Final Nail and know of a bunch of fur farms in your area with animals eager to be liberated. Due to the recent continent-wide barrage against the animal torturers, you should expect security to be tightened. If you the would-be raiders, here are some tips:

1. Guard dogs may be an option but they probably won't be near the cages. Security guards may be hired. Cameras may be placed at some of the larger fur farms. Still undeterred? Read on. Always survey the area before-hand, possibly on a different night than the raid.

Durruti, whom I saw but a month ago, lost his life in the street-battles of Madrid.

My previous knowledge of this stormy petrel of the Anarchist and revolutionary movement in Spain was merely from reading about him. On my arrival in Barcelona I learned many fascinating stories of Durruti and his column. They made me eager to go to the Aragon front, where he was the leading spirit of the brave and valiant militias, fighting against fascism.

I arrived at Durruti's headquarters towards evening, completely exhausted from the long drive over a rough road. A few moments with Durruti was like a strong tonic, refreshing and invigorating. Powerful of body as if hewn from the rocks of Montserrat, Durruti easily represented the most dominating figure among the Anarchists I had met since my arrival in Spain. His terrific energy electrified me as it seemed to effect everyone who came within its radius.

The neoliberal Washington consensus is an array of market oriented principles designed by the government of the United States and the international financial institutions that it largely dominates, and implemented by them in various ways-for the more vulnerable societies, often as stringent structural adjustment programs. The basic rules, in brief, are: liberalize trade and finance, let markets set price ('get prices right'), end inflation ('macroeconomic stability'), privatize. The government should 'get out of the way'-hence the population too, insofar as the government is democratic, though the conclusion remains implicit. The decisions of those who impose the 'consensus' naturally have a major impact on global order. Some analysts take a much stronger position. The international business press has referred to these institutions as the core of a 'de facto world government' of a 'new imperial age.'

On 26 January 1988, Aboriginal Australia celebrated and gave a great show of solidarity, an expression of our ongoing sovereignty of this country. We've never relinquished the sovereignty of this country. I think it is important that people realise that it's not a question of coming and looking at the poor little old Aborigines and asking what you can do for us. I believe that we are in a position to teach you how to do the sort of things that I think you have come together to talk about at this conference. I believe that Aboriginal Australia politically is in a very healthy position in terms of controlling our own affairs within our own community. We have an ongoing battle trying to get more resources to enable us to do the jobs that we want to do properly. But Aboriginal Australians have proven, especially in the last 20 years, that we are capable of solving our own problems if we've got control over the resources to do so.

There are many popular misconceptions about anarchism, and because of them a great many people dismiss anarchists and anarchism out of hand.

Misconceptions abound in the mass media, where the term 'anarchy' is commonly used as a synonym for 'chaos,' and where terrorists, no matter what their political beliefs or affiliations, are often referred to as 'anarchists.' As well, when anarchism is mentioned, it's invariably presented as merely a particularly mindless form of youthful rebellion. These misconceptions are, of course, also widespread in the general public, which by and large allows the mass media to do what passes for its thinking.

Back in August of 1987, some friends and I were fighting British Columbia's oldest industry, the fur trade. No letters, no banners or signs, our tactics were less conventional. Late at night we would gather our pre-constructed paint-bombs, spray-paint, wrist-rockets and liquid steel and off we would go into downtown Vancouver to express our rage against the fur trade, A.L.F.-style. Unfortunately, our weekend forays followed a routine, and eventually we were arrested in late September.

In October of that same year, an International Commonwealth Conference in Vancouver canceled a proposed fur show intended for the Queen of England due to 'recent threats of animal rights extremism.' Also, that same week, we discovered through our lawyers that two of our targeted fur shops were closing down due to our direct action attacks on their businesses. All in all, despite our arrests, we felt our actions and their subsequent impact on the fur trade were successful.

Pick someone at random & convince them they're the heir to an enormous, useless & amazing fortune -- say 5000 square miles of Antarctica, or an aging circus elephant, or an orphanage in Bombay, or a collection of alchemical mss. Later they will come to realize that for a few moments they believed in something extraordinary, & will perhaps be driven as a result to seek out some more intense mode of existence.

Bolt up brass commemorative plaques in places (public or private) where you have experienced a revelation or had a particularly fulfilling sexual experience, etc.

Go naked for a sign.

Organize a strike in your school or workplace on the grounds that it does not satisfy your need for indolence & spiritual beauty.